Thanks to those who diligently brokered the historical agreement between the Transitional Military Council (TMC) and the gallant Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC). Very cordial thanks to the Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed who initiated the successful deal, thanks to Ethiopian Envoy Drair and the African Union Representative Prof. Lebatt and the sincere thanks to the TMC representative headed by the TMC Vice Presidnet 1st. Lt. Gen. Mohammed Hamdan Daglo and to the FFC representatives who were up to the challenges of the difficult negotiations.
Our deepest ovation and respect to the patriotic martyrs of the revolutions may Allah the Almighty rest their souls in eternal peace. We convey our heartfelt condolences to the families of their loved ones.
The, so far, verbal agreement is subject to many hurdles and muddy areas. Failure to circumvent the hurdles and muddy areas will lead to a precarious set-back which might bring the whole situation to square one.
1. The detrimental dwelling of some of the TMC members on the issue of representation. It is true the FFC does not represent the whole population but surely it represents the whole revolution. They are the ones who managed to mobilize 10 million revolutionary to the streets of 16 cities on the 30th of June 2019. The role of the others who did not participate in the change will come after the elapse of the transitional period.
2. The TMC should remember that they are partners to the FFC in the landmark change of power in Sudan on April 11, 2019 and NOT partners to any other groups. Listening to any other internal or external groups is a dreadful hurdle.
3. TMC should also remember that historically in Sudan all transitional periods and all democratic rules were conducted on parliamentary systems in compliance to the original constitutions of 1956. In parliamentary systems the council of minister assumes all executive affairs without any intervention from the supreme council of the state.
So any intervention in the work of the council of ministers is also dangerous hurdle.
4. FFC should remember that appointed legislative body is a muddy area which deserves by-passing it by dropping it from their list of demands. All previous transitional periods were successfully run without appointed legislative bodies. Its formation and presence will lead to unnecessary conflicts.
5. The absence of legislative body can be compensated by republic decrees issued in joint meetings between the supreme council and the council of ministers.
6. FFC should respect all previous regional or international agreements or commitments. They should respect the choice of leaning to the axis of the KSA, UAE and Egypt. Sudan needs this axis to prop its ailing economy. The axis is committed to give the needed financial assistance.
7. FFC should completely refrain from any action or talk about the military institution. This should be entirely left to the TMC which I assume or recommend its existence throughout the transitional period albeit the presence of some of them in the hybrid supreme council. The present fragile security situation is an alarming threat to the stability of Sudan.
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